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«CSAAR (7: 2010: Amman) Sustainable Architecture and Urban Development \ Edited by Steffen Lehmann, Husam Al Waer, Jamal AI-Qawasmi. Amman: The Center ...»

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2 Conceptual Framework and Literature Review Since the beginning of human settlements so many theories and practices define and guide how humans value and make use of space.

2.1 Urban Land Use Planning Theories Contemporary urban land use studies emerged in the 19 th century through David Ricardo's hypothesises that, the most fertile lands around the city attract highest rent (Chisholm, 1970; Ogbazi 2002). It was then followed by the Heinrich von Thünen's 1826 theories of land values and land use structure (Mather 1986).

The main variable factor in von Thünen theory is transport cost in relation to production, and distance which in return determines semi- concentric land use patterns for a given city. Other related theories include those of William Alonso' s land market model (l964). Walter Christaller (l893~1969) developed the central place theory to explain the location, size, function and economic relations between bigger and smaller urban centres using geometrie shapes.

August Lösch (1906-1945) modified Christaller's theory by considering effect of physical features on spatial distribution and hierarchy of settlements. Growth pole theory was developed by Francois Perroux explaining growth of cities through economic and industrial points which attract similar activities (Ogbazi op. cit). The central place theory was also modified by Vance (1970) who fashioned the mercantile model.

Concerning the city structure Burgess in 1925 suggested concentric model with an annular form that has the city's central business district (CBD) at the core. This rather simple and idealised model assumed homogeneity and defined boundaries alluded to various land uses in cities. Hoyt (1939) advanced an alternative model known as sector model. The model has sectors or wedges that radiate outwards from the CBD with Iines of communications aiding distinct land uses from different directions. The third popular model was developed by Harris and Ullman (1945) whose multi-nuclei model stipulates that many cities do not grow outward rrom their CBD. Instead, as they grow they absorb other specialised land uses and consolidate them into separate nuclei that eventually become square, rectangular or irregular in shape (Mather 1986).

The models cited above have provided for zoning ordinances that separate various land uses through Euclidean zoning in 20th century (Burdette 2004).

Such divisive land use planning based on non-market controls are designed in theory to minimise incompatibilities, though they promote unnecessary physical and social segregations (Fell mann et al, 2005). Similarly, the theories lack inherent and obvious considerations for ecological dimensions of the urban settlements as habitats.

Aliyu Salisu Barau

2.2 Urban Land Use and Sustainable Urbanism

Majority of developing eountries have adopted western urban planning eoneepts.

Yet problems of abuse, eorruption, squalor and pollution plague their eities (UN Habitat 2008, UN Habitat 2009). In many eountries, huge metropolitan growth eauses simultaneous displaeement, deterioration, and devaluation of the inner eore eities (Adhya, Plowright and Stevens 2010). To address these ehallenges, sustainable eity theories emerged in the last 30 years to guide towards sustainable urban design (Lehmann, 20 10). Three of the approaehes enshrined in sustainable eity theory are given by Martine (200 I). The first is earrying eapaeity whieh entails estimating how mueh people and aetivity a given spaee ean support; the seeond is eeologieal footprint whieh measures amount of land needed to sustain a eity's population/consumption levels. The third approaeh is sustainable use of spaee whieh obligates: identifieation of the vulnerable populations with aid of tools like Geographie Information System (GIS);

identifieation of eeosystems at risk and enforeement of their preservation; and seareh for viable options to expansion. In the same fashion, eompaetness (density) and biophilia (human aeeess to nature) are prioritised values of sustainable urbanisrn (Adhya, Plowright and Stevens 2010).

Urban experts now ereate eoupled models based on mathernatieal and information teehnology models to help in addressing the pressing urban planning ehallenges. Examples of such models include (WaddelI and Alberti 2000;

Martine 2001; MeCarteny, Quay, Gries et.aL Vanegas; and WaddelI et al 2008).

However, Sabri and Yaakup (2008) eaution on the high expeetations from these models beeause they do not truly support the users' needs or support only part of plan developrnent proeess.

2.3 Muslim City: From Rules to Spatial Design and Form

Aeeording to some opinions an lslamic city does not exist in a real sense, but some reeurring meehanisms generate strueture and expressions eommonly found in Islamic eities (Abu-Lughod 1978). But this argument is countered by Abdulac (1984) who otTers that Muslims designed and developed several garrison towns which include Kufa, Fusta, Basra, Medina, and Jabiya. AI-Hathloul (2005) states that, traditional Muslim city's design is generated based on eustoms and provisions ofjurisprudenee on how people use and develop spaee. Thus, it is not like a modem eity whose physical form is predetermined by designer. In general, a Muslim eity is eharaeterised by saered, spatial, eeologieal and soeioeeonomie dimensions. Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) in his Muqaddimah (1978) outlines nine (9) requirements for designing urban land. These are: town walls; strategie loeation; eonsideration for prevention of air pollution; eonsideration for prevention of water pollution and infeetions; availability of water for the publie;

pasture ground for domestie animals; lands for urban agrieulture; woodlands for energy and eonstruetion; aeeessibility and eonneetivity for extern al trade. These requirements are informed by provisions of Sharia on design of human settlement. Prophet Muhammad (S) arriving at Yathrib instantly ehanged its Sustainable Architecture and Urban Development 359 toponym to Madinah Al-munawwara (Illuminated city) and declares as haram (inviolable) what lies between its two voIcanic hills, Gayr to Thawr. Thus, the Prophet forbids removing plants, hunting game and curses introduction of any vicious act there (Albadar, 1429/2008).

Hakim (2007) praises the generative processes associated with most Arab and lslamic cities for being socially inclusive; for their agreed-upon ethical meta­ principles; for originating in locality's history and customs; and for their appreciation of individual and collective rights and responsibilities. These principles make settlements look natural and sustainable in contrast to the western city models trademarked by 'master plans' which are static blueprints leading to formation of fabricated stmctures in cities. Sharia is a sine qua non for place design and making in lslamic countries. For instance, Naniya (2007) and Nast (1996) hint that, the design of the Emir's Palace Kano built in the 15 th century reflects on war tactics of the second Islamic Caliph, Umar bn Khattab (634-644); and it is also oriented towards al Qibla Makkah.

Traditional Muslim built environments characteristically not built by professional architects or planners genera te their stable and sustainable form through public responsibility sharing among the people cohabiting the environment (Akbar 1988). In this respect, Hakim and Ahmed (2006) outline some of the mIes that operated in the 19 th century buHt environments of the Sokoto Caliphate in West Africa. They listed from Sultan Abdullahi Fodio's book, Diya-al-Hukkam, which explains mies for land uses and fundamental duties and responsibilities for management of water, domestic and industrial waste, common and public properties like access roads and rights of privacy of individual house owners.

2.4 Muslim City: Rules of Spatial Design for Sustainability

From northern Africa, through northern Nigeria, Arabian Gulf to han and

Pakistan attributes of Islamic urban heritage that promote sustainability include:

harim, hima and fina for land use allocation; compactness and privacy of the built environment; natural resources conservation; and city cooling mechanisms (Hakim 2004). The three tools or instruments commonly used in Isiamic world for regulating built environments are summarised in terms of their function in table 1 based on Hakim (2004), Hakim and Zubair (2006), Gari (2006), and Barau (2009). Table 1 outlines the applications of the instruments for sustainable design and management of settlements.

Fina' as elaborated by jurists is the part near the house door, and does not extend more than half of the width of the street. In lanes and cul-de-sacs, the fina' covers the whole area abutting the house, and usually extends to incIude the whole lane's width. The fina', therefore, can be seen as aspace belonging to whoever has a door opening onto the street (AI-Hathloul 2005). On the other hand, himä is defined as a reserved pasture, where trees and grazing lands are protected from indiscriminate harvest on a temporary or permanent basis. It existed in the Middle East before Islam; but it was treated as a private reserve for Aliyu Salisu Barau powerful chieftains who were said to have used it as a tool of oppression. With the emergence of [siam, its function changed; it became a property dedicated to the weIl-being ofthe whole community around it (Gari 2006). Six types of hima are identified.

I) grazing is prohibited and cutting is permitted during specitic periods;

2) Grazing and cutting is allowed only after flowers and fruits are produced. This allows natural seeding ofthe soil for the next year.

3) Grazing is allowed all year; the number and type of animals are specitied with no restriction on grass-cutting.

4) Reserve for bee-keeping. Grazing is allowed only after the flowering season. These reserves are closed for five months (spring months).

5) Reserve for forest trees, e.g. acacias spp., haloxlon persieum. Cutting is only allowed for great emergencies or acute needs.

6) Reserve woodland to check desertification or sand dune encroachment.

–  –  –

spaee surrounding a weil, buHt environment, forest or a river that proteets it from damage, maintain its integrity and prevents it from pollution and destruetion (Zahradeen, 1990; Hakim and Zubair 2006).

Therefore, jurisprudential provisions of Islamie legal system (Sharia) and Urf (eustoms) administered through judges and jurists (Qadis, Muftis) and Muhtasib (eommunity guidanee offieer) and eommunity members is broad based, and participatory (Hakim 1996; Barau 2009) and that helps immensely in ereating order in spaee use by all and sundry in the soeiety and between it and the eeology.

2.5 Islamic Urbanism and Sustainability in Kano City

Like many Muslim eities, Islam influenees the spatial organisation of Kano sinee 15 th eentury (Nast 1996). Kano became a fuH pledged walled city sinee II th century (Liman and Adamu 2003). The city was compaet with gated walls covering 18 miles radius (Olofin and Tanko 2002). The ancient city ofKano was ranked in the 16th century as the third largest city in Africa after North Afriean eities of Cairo and Fez (Dan Asabe I 996).Kano then might look Iike an eeo-city, as only about 1,800 acres out of its 5,400 acres landrnass was a built up (Frishman 1977). The existenee of numerous ponds, open spaces and scrublands around that period gave Kano attributes of sustainable cities. The said features of sustainability were also consolidated by the 19th century centralised Islamic land policies ofthe caliphate which include rules ofthe built environment (Hakim and Zubair 2006). It easy to infer from Hamza (2003), that plantations like those at Dorayi were lands held in trust for society and as such could be regarded as hima lands that lost their original status with passage oftime.

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