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«GAIR-MITTEILUNGEN 2012 4. Jahrgang Herausgegeben von Hatem Elliesie – Peter Scholz durch die Gesellschaft für Arabisches und Islamisches Recht ...»

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Vom Verfassungs- zum Völkerrecht führte der Vortrag von Thilo Marauhn, Professor für Öffentliches Recht, Völkerrecht und Europarecht an der Justus-LiebigUniversität Gießen. Marauhn befasste sich mit der Rechtmäßigkeit des NATOEinsatzes zur Unterstützung von Demokratisierungsprozessen in Libyen. Nach offiziellen Erklärungen führender Politiker in Europa sei die Unterstützung für Demokratie in Libyen ein Hauptziel des Militäreinsatzes gewesen. Der VNSicherheitsrat habe jedoch mit der Resolution 1973 militärische Gewalt einzig zum Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung legitimiert und nicht, um Demokratie oder einen Regimewechsel herbeizuführen. Daher sei die Rechtmäßigkeit der Intervention fragwürdig, so Marauhn, wenn der Einsatz – der in den Medien als erfolgreich bezeichnet wurde – tatsächlich darauf abgezielt habe, den Übergang zur Demokratie zu fördern. Marauhn erläuterte, dass die Resolution Elemente des völkerrechtlichen Konzepts der Schutzverantwortung (responsibility to protect) andeute, indem sie von der Verantwortung der libyschen Regierung spreche, die Zivilbevölkerung zu schützen. Trotzdem könne man nicht unterstellen, dass der Sicherheitsrat sich mit der Resolution auf die Schutzverantwortung habe berufen wollen, da die ständigen Sicherheitsratsmitglieder China und Russland einer Resolution mit Bezug auf die Schutzverantwortung in diesem speziellen Fall wahrscheinlich nicht zugestimmt hätten. Marauhn fragte weiter, ob der NATO-Einsatz völkerrechtlich als Eingreifen auf Einladung der Rebellen (intervention upon invitation) charakterisiert werden könne. Er ver 37 – neinte auch dies, denn für ein Eingreifen auf Einladung sei eine de facto territoriale Kontrolle der Rebellen erforderlich gewesen, die man in der Situation des Bürgerkriegs kaum habe unterstellen können. So blieben Zweifel bestehen, ob die Intervention der NATO in Libyen vollständig von der VN-Sicherheitsratsresolution 1973 gedeckt worden sei.

* Die Autorin (M.A. in Ethnologie, Anglistik, Völkerrecht und Kiswahili, Zusatzstudium in Internationaler Entwicklungszusammenarbeit am Seminar für Ländliche Entwicklung in Berlin) ist derzeit beschäftigt als Juniorberaterin im Bereich „Afrika überregional“ der Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH in Eschborn, Deutschland.

– 38 – Report on the Conference “Constitutional Reform in Arab Countries”, 22– 24 February 2012, Heidelberg Daniel Heilmann* The Max-Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law (MPIL) convened a three day conference on constitutional reform in Arab countries from February 22nd to 24th 2012 in Heidelberg. The conference was organized by Dr. Daniel Heilmann and Dr. Tilmann Röder, the leaders of the Institute’s North Africa and Middle East projects. The academic background for the conference was the Institute’s monitoring and research project “Constitutional Reform in Arab Countries” (CRAC) which scrutinizes constitutional developments in the Arab world, especially post “Arab Spring”. The conference intended to facilitate network-building and information exchange between Arab experts. It consisted of six panels in various focus areas that are of relevance in the transitional process, such as the concept of a civil state, as well as the role of the military, and human rights. More than ninety distinguished scholars, judges and high-ranking politicians – among them the ministers of justice of the Republic of Sudan and of the Palestinian National Authority – attended the conference.

Panel I: Legitimacy of Constitution-Making The panel on the legitimacy of constitution-making was chaired by Judge Midḥat alMaḥmūd (President of the Iraqi High Judicial Council).

Professor Dr. Rüdiger Wolfrum, Director of the MPIL, opened the conference with a presentation on constitution-making from an international law perspective. In this context he discussed human rights and their role in the constitution-making process. Human rights do not limit state sovereignty; nowadays they form a common value system which dominates international law. It is the primary responsibility of the states to guarantee respect for human rights. However, in cases where a state is unable or unwilling to fulfill this guarantee, the responsibility falls upon the international community. Prof. Wolfrum pointed out that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) constitutes an important source for rules pertaining to constitution-making in international law. He highlighted Art. 1 ICCPR (right to self-determination), Art. 25 (political participation) and Art. 26 (equality before the law), which are indispensable requirements for a democratic state. In post-conflict situations, peace agreements and (interim) constitutions often achieve similar goals. They are frequently drafted together. Prof. Wolfrum gave the example of Sudan, where the Interim National Constitution served as a Comprehensive Peace Agreement at the same time, and Bosnia, where the constitution and the peace agreement were also drafted concomitantly. Drafts are often prepared by drafting committees. In doing so, several options exist concerning the set up of such committees: option 1 is to set up a constituent assembly (a group composed not only of parliamentarians but also additional persons); option 2 is to establish a constitutional convention (a body specially elected for the purpose of drafting); option 3 is to have a parliamentary assembly in addition to external advisors and a hearing of the public at large, e.g. through the inclusion of NGOs (as example he illustrated a parallel to the Antarctic treaty regime and its system of governance). Prof. Wolfrum stressed the importance of a transparent drafting process and discussed options on how to achieve this transparency. Finally, he discussed the possibility of including external actors in the drafting process. He highlighted the importance of national leadership throughout the process. External actors are able to contribute by providing a comparative law perspective, which can be very helpful in some cases. The drafting of the South African Constitution serves as an example.





Dr. Salwā al-Daġalī (Member of the Libyan National Transitional Council) followed with a presentation on “Islam and a Constitution-Based State: a Contradiction?”. The focus of this presentation was on possible contradictions between Islam as a state religion and as a constitution-based state. Following the dramatic changes that took place in the Arab World, she argued the question whether and/or in how far the former system shall prevail. She started by looking into the question why the issue of contradictions between an Islamic state and a constitution based system was not raised earlier. Possible explanations might be the fact that most countries were ruled by tyrants that did not at all show respect for constitutions. Dr. al-Daġalī explored the question on how far the concept of a civil state would be in harmony with a state based on Islam and went on to explain the concept of Sharīʿa, the general meaning of which is to maintain the system of living together and to achieve equality among all.

She concluded by stating that there is no conflict between the concept of a civil state and Islam. She underlined that one cannot isolate nations from their culture and called for more research in order to face the challenges lying ahead.

The last presentation in the panel was a comment by Prof. Farḥat Hūršānī (President of the Tunisian Association of Constitutional Law). Likewise to the previous speaker, the main topic of Prof. Hūršānī’s presentation was the question of possible contradictions between Islam as state religion and a civil or constitutionbased state, however, with a focus on the Tunisian experience and perspective.

He pointed out the fact that different interpretations of Islam exist and that it is not only a religion but a history and a practice. There is not one answer to the question whether a conflict or contradiction exists, as there is not one single understanding of Islam but a great variety. Then he turned to the example of Tunisia. He established that in order to understand its current situation, it is necessary to look at its history. He referred to the transitional period after colonization (1956/57) and the text of the 1959 constitution, which refers to the relation between state, community and religion. It clarifies that Tunisia is a religious state. Prof. Hūršānī highlighted the significance of the debate and the general impact of both on the ongoing democratic transition. He furthermore emphasized the important role law has played in changing society.

The participants extensively discussed the presentations and expressed different views on the role of religion in the constitution. The majority of participants did not see a contradiction between Šarīʿa / Islamic law and constitutions based on – 40 – human rights and the rule of law.1 A problem was seen in the ambiguity of interpretation and the way interpretations are used, disseminated and understood.

Whereas some participants clearly favored this ambiguity because it is flexible enough to accommodate different interests, others feared that this could be misused and lead to legal uncertainty. Moreover, this fear is increased by the rise of parties with rather radical Islamic references. Most participants called for a modern approach to Islam and/or Šarīʿa Law. The participants discussed different possibilities of referring and/or including religion in constitutions.

While a few participants favored a rather secular system and were not in favor of including any reference to religion in the constitution for the fear of confounding politics and religion, the majority clearly favored a reference to Islam. This was justified with constitutional tradition: nearly all constitutions in the Arab world refer in one way or another to the role of Islam. Islam is often referred to as being either “a” or “the” source of legislation (al-maṣdar arraʾīsī); alternatively, texts also refer to religion/Islam as “a source of inspiration”.

The second part of the panel began with a presentation on “Legitimacy of Procedures of, and Institutions Involved in Constitutional Reform” by Yaḥyā al-Ǧamāl (Egypt). The presentation concerned not only the question on how to draft a constitution but also the question of legitimate procedures. According to alǦamāl, a balance between authority and liberty must be struck in the process of constitution-making. Even though authority is important for the functioning of a state, a constitution should also provide freedom to the individual and restrict the state. Formerly, rulers in Arab countries exercised absolute authority. The uprising of the people during the Arab Spring has brought this to an end. If one looks at history, the world has witnessed many revolutions that challenged the absolute power of the ruler. Al-Ǧamāl explained that Tunisia provides a positive example for a revolution, because it quickly established a constituent assembly and decided that the state should be a civil state. In Egypt, however, the situation is different. The constituent assembly is faced with strong opposition from some parties. Al-Ǧamāl pointed out that politics change as well as constitutions change but religion is absolute. He concluded by stating that there must be an authority that expresses and implements the will, hopes and wishes of the citizens.

Al-Ǧamāl’s presentation was followed by short comments on the state of the transition in selected countries, such as Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Tunisia, and Egypt.

Panel 2: The Organization of Government The second panel was chaired by Prof. Dr. Mohammad Hashim Kamali (University of Malaysia) and began with a presentation by Prof. Ġāzī al-Ġarārī (University of Tunis II) on “Forms of Political System and the Equilibrium of Powers in the 1 Cf. Hatem Elliesie, The Rule of Law in Islamic Modeled States, in: Matthias Koetter / Gunnar Folke Schuppert (eds.), Understanding of the Rule of Law in various Legal Orders of the World, Working Paper Series 10 (SFB 700: Governance in Räumen begrenzter Staatlichkeit), Berlin 2010.



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