«Examining Cultural Drifts in Artworks through History and Development: Cultural Comparisons between Japanese and Western Landscape Paintings and ...»
Second, by utilizing the historical framework, the current paper demonstrated cultural drifts exist across time on top of the robust cultural variations in artistic expression. Future studies in psychology should thus integrate and explore more data in order to elucidate dynamic patterns regarding whether the human psyche is indeed changing according to an historical event and how it influences human psyche in a given culture, and what to possibly anticipate for the future. These investigations would not be actualized by experimentation commonly used in psychology as the current findings suggest the necessity of further collaborations with the fields of humanities such as philosophy, history, and art.
Third, the current studies suggest that cultures are not isolated from others --rather, they mutually influence each other through borrowing, imitating, and modifying foreign products to incorporate them into their culture, which is commonly observed in history. Our historical data suggest that is the case. Furthermore, researchers have recently been acknowledging that, with globalization processes, our psyche are inevitably influenced by other cultures (Chiu & Hong, 2006; Chiu, Gries, Torelli, & Cheng, 2011), particularly in adolescence (Jensen, 2003). Our ontogenetic data demonstrated that Japanese adolescents behaved differently than their elementary school and adult counterparts, showing a more Western pattern of aesthetics regarding the number of objects, and the area of objects. We assume that this developmental
little cross-cultural research focuses on adolescents’ mentality. Future research should scrutinize the mechanism of ontogenetic transition during adolescence in relation to cultural tendencies.
Limitations and Future Directions Our findings provide the first evidence of both historical and ontogenetic data which show cultural stability and drifts in people’s artistic expressions. Nonetheless, to more comprehensively examine cultural variations in development as a function of historical circumstances, further examination is mandatory. First of all, a longitudinal study both within and between generations should be conducted in future research. For example, a future study may want to examine cultural products from different cohorts of East Asian and North American elementary school participants. By having a new cohort and following up with the previous one over set periods of time, cultural drift within individuals can be closely examined.
In addition, the current studies did not assess whether or not Japanese students had taken Western cultural courses or if Canadians had experience in East Asian cultural studies, and if these students had exposure to different perspectives for landscape art in their optional art classes. In future studies it may be useful to quantify whether or not participants are accessing or have exposure to artwork from other cultures. Careful examination of differences in educational systems may also further refine the quality of data.
Finally, and most importantly, the data were collected from only one or two schools in a specific area of each respective culture. Although we believe that students at the selected schools represented average adolescent and young adult behaviors in each culture, and although cultural psychologists conventionally collect data from a single research field per each culture, the generalizability of findings should be tested in future replication research. In fact, some studies
Imada, Takemura, & Ramaswamy, 2006; Snibbe & Markus, 2005). Ideally, it is advisable to conduct a more comprehensive, population-level study in collaboration with other researchers, which will reinforce the validity of the findings.
Culture is a dynamic process. Beyond the static perspective, the current findings provide the evidence of the effectiveness of historical and ontogenetic analyses of a cultural phenomenon (artistic expressions) and addressed the issue of cultural change under the rubric of cultural drift.
Future research should further apply these approaches, alongside phylogeny, to elucidate
was made or a distinguishable horizon.
As for the statistical notations, we followed the logic of David C. Howell's book "Statistical Methods for Psychology"(2006), and Mori &Yoshida (1990). Based on their logic, we ran simple effect analyses and reported the results using the mean square error and degree of freedom from the omnibus test.
In Masuda et al. (2008), landscape drawing data were collected from University students;
however, the East Asian participants consisted of international students. Furthermore, the data were collected in 2001 and conditions in the method differed, such as having to draw a river (which was excluded in Senzaki et al.’s study) and the usage of a smaller paper size. Therefore, to maintain consistency and to be able to determine developmental patterns through this crosssectional design, we re-collected drawing data from University students.
Students from both cultural groups who did not follow instructions, such as missing a required item (n=19) or not taking the task seriously (e.g. Drawing inappropriate material, n = 14) were excluded from these numbers and the subsequent analysis. Given that children generally learn about the concept of a horizon from Grade 2 (Senzaki et al., 2014), any drawings that did not demonstrate an understanding of a horizon (such as having floating objects or two horizon lines) were also not included in the analysis (n = 9).
Similar to Study 2a, students in Study 2b in both cultural groups who did not follow instructions (n = 28), take the task seriously (n = 6) or understand the concept of a horizon (n = 27) were
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