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«Examining Cultural Drifts in Artworks through History and Development: Cultural Comparisons between Japanese and Western Landscape Paintings and ...»

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Consistent with Study 2a, Japanese secondary school students, in general, drew the location of the horizon higher (M = 65.34, SD = 21.34) than Canadians (M = 50.74, SD = 17.62), demonstrating again their context-inclusiveness. The simple effect analyses showed that within each grade, cultural differences were significant for Grade 7, t(314)= 3.69, p.001, Grade 8,

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Grade 12, t(314)= 2.05, p.05. However, no significant cultural difference was found for Grade 9, t(314)= 1.56, p.15, indicating a minor difference in the pattern of results (Figure 4).

After merging this data with Senzaki et al.’s (2014) elementary school data and university data, a 2 (Culture: Canada vs. Japan) X 4 (School Level: Elementary, Junior High, High School, and University) ANOVA was applied to the ratio of the horizon against the entire frame. The results indicated that there was a main effect of culture, F(1, 718) = 79.74, p.001, ηp2 =.100.

Consistent with Study 2a, Japanese, in general, drew the location of the horizon higher (M = 70.10, SD = 23.39) than Canadians (M = 51.24, SD = 21.32), demonstrating their contextinclusiveness. There was also a main effect of school level, F(3, 718) = 5.06, p.002, ηp2 =.021. These results are however qualified by a significant interaction between culture and school level, F(3, 718) = 4.82, p.002, ηp2 =.020. The simple effect analyses showed that Japanese placed the location of horizon higher in their artworks than did their Canadian counterparts in elementary school, t(718) = 10.58, p.001; in junior high school, t(718) =4.47, p.001; in high school, t(718) = 3.83, p.001; and in university, t(718) = 2.28, p.05, showing a robust cultural variation in the horizon height. In addition, Japanese elementary school students placed the horizon significantly higher than did their junior high school, high school, and university counterparts, ts(718) = 4.47, 3.10, 2.01, ps.001,.002,.05, respectively, whereas Canadian junior high school students placed the horizon significantly lower than did university students, t(718) = 2.14, p.05, indicating minor differences in patterns (Figure 5).

Number of Objects. Two coders independently counted the number of objects in each collage landscape. The interrater agreement was 99% for the Japanese secondary school collages and 95% for Canadian. A 2(Culture: Canada vs. Japan) x 6(Grade: Grade 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, & 12)

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number of objects in the landscape scene. There was a main effect of grade, F(5, 314) = 3.23, p.05, ηp2 =.049, and an interaction between culture and grade, F(5, 314) = 3.16, p.01, ηp2 =.048. Unlike the horizon height data, there was no main effect of culture for the number of objects in collage landscapes, F 1, ns. The simple effect analyses revealed that the pattern in the number of objects was reversed for Grade 9 where Canadians had more objects than Japanese, t(314) = 3.12, p =.002 (Figure 6).

Following merging this data with Senzaki et al.’s (2014) elementary school data and university data, a 2 (Culture: Canada vs. Japan) X 4 (School Level: Elementary, Junior High, High School, and University) ANOVA was applied to the ratio of the horizon against the entire frame. The results indicated that there was a main effect of culture, F(1, 718) = 22.47, p.001, ηp2 =.030, and of school level, F(1, 718) = 15.17, p.001, ηp2 =.060. These patterns were qualified by an interaction of culture and school level, F(1, 718) = 11.59, p.001, ηp2 =.046.

The simple effect analyses revealed that elementary school and university data showed culturally dominant patterns—Japanese placed more objects in their artworks than did Canadians, ts(718) =

8.07 and 3.01, ps.001 and.005, respectively. The junior high school and high school data, however, did not show any cultural differences regarding the number of objects, Fs 1, ns. In Japanese data, the number of objects in junior high school data was significantly smaller than these of elementary school and university data, t(718) = 7.70, p.001, and t(718) = 2.89, p.005, respectively. The same patterns were observed for high school data, t(718) = 6.62, p.001, and t(718) = 2.08, p.005, respectively. In contrast, the patterns were rather constant in Canadian data (all ps are ns). In sum, Japanese adolescents’ patterns regarding the number of

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data, and similar to that of Canadian data, suggesting a substantial drift during this ontogenetic period only for Japanese (Figure 7).

Object Area. As another measure of context-sensitivity, we also determined the amount of space used in the created landscapes through the area occupied by the collage pieces on the frame. A 2(Culture: Japan vs. Canada) x 6(Grade: Grade 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, & 12) ANOVA was applied to the object area. The results however indicated that there was no main effect of culture, grade, interaction, Fs 1, ns. Therefore, there was no difference in the area covered by objects for Japanese and Canadian secondary school students (Figure 8).

After merging our data with Senzaki et al.’s (2014) elementary school data and university data, a 2 (Culture: Canada vs. Japan) X 4 (School Level: elementary, junior high, high school, and university) ANOVA was applied the object area. The results indicated that there was a main effect of culture, F(1, 718) = 17.24, p.001, ηp2 =.023, and of school level, F(1, 718) = 19.01, p.001, ηp2 =.074. These patterns were qualified by an interaction between culture and school level, F(1, 718) = 16.61, p.001, ηp2 =.065. The simple effect analyses revealed that elementary school and university data showed culturally dominant patterns, Japanese having used more area in their artworks than did Canadians, ts(718) = 8.89 and 2.72, ps.001 and.01, respectively. The junior high school and high school data did not show any cultural differences regarding the number of objects, Fs 1, ns. This pattern was observed only in Japanese data, as the area of objects in junior high school data was significantly smaller than that of elementary school and university data, t(718) = 8.88, p.001, and t(718) = 2.89, p.005, and that of high school data was significantly smaller than that of elementary school data, t(718) = 7.64, p.001, and marginally smaller than that of university data, t(718) = 1.94,.05 p.10. In contrast, the

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of objects, Japanese adolescents’ patterns regarding the area of objects were different from the dominant patterns observed in elementary school and university data, and similar to these of Canadian data, again suggesting a substantial drift during this ontogenetic period only for Japanese (Figure 9).

Discussion Study 2a and 2b’s results with Senzaki et al.’s (2014) data suggests that, although there are some fluctuations (e.g. Grade 8 data in Study 2b and Grade 9 data in Study 2b), cultural variations in the location of horizon drawn by Japanese and European Canadian are robust: in general, Japanese consistently place the horizon higher than their European Canadian counterparts. Therefore, the “resilience to change” hypothesis was supported for the location of horizon. However, the results of the number of objects and the area occupied by the objects suggests that, although Japanese elementary school children and undergraduate students were more likely than their European Canadian counterparts to include more pieces of information, and use more space to place pieces of information, the patterns of junior high school and high school students were almost equal across cultures (in Grade 9, Japanese demonstrated less context-sensitivity than Canadians), and the changes in expressions were substantial. By looking at the trends, we conclude that during adolescence, Japanese’s scores for these two variables decreased whereas Canadian scores in general remained constant. Therefore, the “cultural drift” hypothesis was supported for the number of objects and the area occupied by the objects only for Japanese adolescents, showing a curvilinear trend— cultural variations in drawing emerged during elementary school data, disappeared during secondary school data, and reappeared in

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Why did Japanese adolescents’ artworks become similar to that of their European Canadian counterparts? We assume the influence of Western popular cultures would be strong among Japanese adolescences. Young children of a given culture set their life task to internalize dominant cultural meaning systems into their behavior thorough interaction with their caregivers, teachers, and those who sustain the dominant norms. However, adolescent members are generally active in their seeking of alternative values, and developing sub-cultures within society, while searching for new, unfamiliar, and cool expressions. Therefore, they are very much susceptible to popular cultures developed in Western societies. Kinsella (1995) suggests that following the introduction of Disney in the early 20th century, Japanese adolescents were receptive to ‘cute’ European styles because it contrasted with dated products in traditional Japanese society. Teenagers’ rebellious attitude against their parents and teachers’ generation could be another facilitator of cultural drift (Kroger, 2007). However, during post-secondary education, undergraduate students may resume the dominant norms to become mature adults. If so, it is not surprising that their artistic expressions again show culturally dominant patterns by placing the horizon high, using more objects, and occupying more space in the visual field.

Although only a single observation suggested it, Canadian Grade 9 students in Study 2b placed a significantly larger number of objects in their artworks than did Japanese. We speculate that, although the effect is minor, recent trends of East Asian popular cultures may start to be consumed by Canadian adolescents. For example, manga (Japanese comics) has become internationally popular and is readily available in bookstores across North America, the first issue of Shonen Jump selling out at 250,000 copies (Wong, 2006). In fact, such East Asian products are recently easily accessible through the internet when compared to a decade ago.

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similar to that of Japanese suggests that North American adolescents may be more willing to access, be influenced by, and be receptive to emulating the work of other cultures.

In sum, ontogenetic data of people’s artistic expressions in Study 2a and b demonstrated that, although dominant patterns of artistic expressions in general exist, the results of Japanese adolescent data show evidence of cultural drift.

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In an extension of Masuda et al.’s (2008) and Senzaki et al.’s (2014) findings, we examined Japanese and Western historical landscape masterpieces from the 17th to 20th century and Japanese and Canadian adolescents’ landscape artworks in order to comprehensively examine the trends regarding perceptual tendencies in both history and development. This research is among the first to use both historical and ontogenetic data in order to thoroughly examine both persistence of culturally-dominant expressions and substantial cultural drifts. The results of historical data in Study 1 suggest that although cultural variations in masterpieces arts were stable for 250 years, a major cultural change like the Meiji Restoration bidirectionally changed both Japanese and Westerners’ expressions. Nonetheless, culturally dominant expressions emerged again due to persistence of cultural meaning systems in the social structure while the results of ontogenetic data in Study 2a and b suggest that on top of robust cultural variation in artworks, adolescent Japanese expressions are somewhat similar to their European Canadian counterparts; however, culturally dominant expressions emerged again after adolescence.

Implications There are several implications in for this research. First, investigating cultural products is

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representations in particular are a rich medium and a snapshot in time in order to examine how psychological tendencies create and maintain culture. Although we focused only on landscape arts, there are many other media which can be a target of analyses such as movies, TV programs, flyers, and magazine ads (Masuda et al. 2012).



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