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«Dissertation Zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades Doctor rerum agriculturarum (Dr. rer. agr) eingereicht an der Landwirtschaftlich-Gärtnerischen ...»

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Sometimes these cultural impacts are problematic, as some people who believe in the culture have their own points of view on some issues, whereas others who do not believe in it have different attitude, e.g., with respect to resource use, some may not be in the favor of changes or selling, whereas others wish this to happen. As shown in Figure 3.1, if the individual is not willing to sell, this may be because of strong cultural effects on his personality.

–  –  –

Figure 3.2: Utility of the Landowner who is Indifferent to Land and Wealth Source: Own presentation Figure 3.

2 shows the behavior of a landowner with weak cultural impact, who is in favor of selling and considers land as a perfect substitute of wealth; thus, his utility curve is linear.

The landowner wants to sell land (L) for the gain of more wealth (W), and his utility wo B is ρ =. Both types of landowner want to maximize their utility and are not ready to wo A abdicate their rights. This causes conflicts between families.

For avoid such a situation of conflict, transaction costs play a role, e.g., in the case of contracts, transaction costs are involved, which landowners and land users both try to minimize. These costs are the part of private transaction costs, which are paid less attention (Viaggi 2008, 1). These include characteristics of contracts, information gathered for their decisions, payments for the consultants and extra labor, and administrative costs connected to these contracts. Sometimes, these costs are difficult to define when we add risk, expectations, and subjective attitudes to them. According to the Pakistan Stamp Duty Act 1899, contracts in cases of the transfer of power over land, such as power of attorney or the guardianship of the land for minors under the age of eighteen years, transaction costs are involved as duty, registration fees, and other administration costs.

3.2.6 Land-use Change

Land-use change is the process that includes the arrangements and activities performed on certain land cover to produce change or to maintain its existing condition (Ahern and Alig 2006: 11). Land-use is the way in which land is subjected to produce that serve human needs, and generally change is related to its exploitation for agriculture, industry, residents, and recreation. Land-use change has two distinct categories: 1) direct causes, known as proximate, which explain the direct human modifications to that land, and 2) underlying causes that are indirect, with a discussion of the reasons that are the root cause of these changes (Lambin and Geist 2007 :2).

The reasons for land-use changes can be found in the preferences of landowners and the different options available to them for such change. Economists believe that this process is driven by economic gains (Lourenço et al. 1999: 1), e.g., landowners will prefer the option

that would be economically efficient and give them maximum returns (Segerson et al. 2006:

79).

Human involvement in shaping the environment through land-use change has had a significant effect on the functioning of land (Turner et al.. 1995: 3); for example, for extra returns, landowners use fertilizers and pesticides, which cause water pollution and soil degradation. Sometimes, the neighboring land is also affected by the action of a farmer.

Hence, the transformation in land use is not always socially efficient, and human decisions on land use do not necessarily favor society (Segerson et al. 2006: 80).

Land-use change has different reasons in Pakistan; the major reasons are a change in the natural environment which has an impact on the decision of humans for land use. Poverty is another strong factor for changing the mind of landowners, as sometimes poor landowners alter their cultivation practices or, under severe conditions, they sell their land and transfer all the rights to some one else in order to fulfill their urgent needs. Changes in economic policies related to land also affect the mind of a landowner; for example, the reduction in subsidies on seeds and other agricultural inputs increase the cost of production and decrease the overall returns of the landowners. Culture and traditions are also of personal interest and have a value for the land users and landowners. Similarly, demographic fectors are important in the case of land-use change, in which the population is a very strong factor, as in the case of migration from rural to urban areas or in city expansion by using agricultural land from rural areas.

Together with all these factors, property rights also play a significant role in land-use change (Lambin and Geist 2007: 3).

3.2.7 Conflicts Conflicts are the situations in which parties have no common or even contrasting interests.

Such kinds of situations occur on the basis of some differences that can be the results of the values or belief systems of the parties or that are attribuTable to the access or the distribution of power and resources (Upreti 2004: 1). “Conflict occurs when two or more people oppose one another because of difference in their needs, goals or values. Usually it has been observed that conflict is almost always accompanied by feelings of anger, frustration, hurt, anxiety, or fear. When the latitude of tolerance crosses the bottom line then conflict occurs”. Feelings of unfairness, spite, reputation formation, injustice, and mistrust are possible sources of conflict (Falk et al. 2003: 1; Warner 2001).





Different types of conflicts can be evaluated on the above-mentioned basis, e.g., relationship conflicts, which occur in the presence of the negative behavior of parties, and which cause misperceptions and negative emotions. The conflicts act as a fuel for destructive conflicts. Value conflicts are the results of different beliefs, which give meaning to the actors’ life. If some actors impose their beliefs on others, the contradictions between them cause conflicts. Similarly, interest-based conflicts evolve from competition over perceived incompatible needs. In this case, actors believe that others should scarify their interests.

Various reasons are given for interest-based conflicts, e.g., substantive issues (money or some physical resources), procedural issues (ways adopted for the solution of conflicts), and psychological issues (level of perception about trust and fairness) (The Oregon Mediation Centre (OMC) 2001).

Resource-based conflicts, particularly over rights of land accessibility, are increasing with time in both frequency and intensity. Basic reasons for these land conflicts are greed or grievances because of the scarcity of useable land. These conflicts cause serious social dislocations, suspend or destroy income opportunities, create food insecurity, damage the environment, and frequently result in the loss of life (International Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ICARRD) 2006: 2). Along with all these reasons, these land conflicts based on land use cause land degradation, which is a growing problem of today.

Kenya is an example of scarce land resources, and land-use change is the basis for conflict (Cambell et al. 2000: 339). Mostly farming originally occurred along rivers, around swamps and areas near the water margins of the rangeland. Because of this, farming, the access and availability of water, and grazing for both domestic stock and wildlife have become reduced.

This increases the vulnerability of herders and of other farmers who have less access to water;

this has caused conflicts among farmers and land users.

In Pakistan, mostly resource-based conflicts have occurred because of avariciousness and for the maximization of utility. As the actors involved have different interests and values, the contradictions between their approaches cause serious issues, leading to the conflicts which sometimes cause resource damage. In the following study, some aspects of these conflicts will be discribed.

3.2.8 Land Distribution as Main Reason of Conflict

Land dynamics are highly specific and rapidly changing, and the conflicts related to them escalate to violence. Sometimes, these conflicts are caused by changes in the structures of power governing the management of resources in rural areas. These changes are necessary to achieve greater efficiency and equity, but some interest seekers, who are the beneficiaries of the system in place, oppose such transformation in agriculture. This dissidence is bound to be spoiled by conflicts of various intensity levels. Land with all its material and symbolic values is at the core of these conflicts (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 2004).

Land has an important cultural significance among communities, particularly for rural and tribal people for whom cultural identity and survival are strongly linked to their relationship with ancestral territories. For a fast-growing population and further development, the land and resources of such people are increasingly sought after by outside parties, who bring a different understanding of conflict. Most of these disputes are based on the different concepts and positions on sovereignty and ownership of the land, including resources on, below, and above the surface, and the non-commercial value of land and resources (ICARRD 2006: 3).

A more compelling argument is that land can be a permanent source of income for poor families. Heads of families might not always act in the collective interest of their families. If there are conflicts of interest within the family or between current and future generations, the goal of redistribution may be better served by giving the family an asset other than money.

Doing so might, for example, prevent a husband from decamping with the financial assets, leaving his wife and children destitute (Banerjee 1999: 8).

Pakistani culture can be characterized as highly power distant and male-dominated. This type of culture has a tightly knit social framework in which an individual can expect his relatives to look after him in exchange for unquestioning loyalty (Hofstede 1984: 150).

Primary social organization is kinship, which is called “biradiri” in the local language. The concept of biradiri beyond the immediate core family includes cousins and parent’s cousins (Afghan and Wiqar 2008: 8). Kochanek (1983) has nicely explained the attributes of the biradiri system in Pakistan in terms of loyalty and norms to support each other and respect the decisions of every senior member of the biradiri. A high level of trust is developed among the members. Pakistani culture is considered to be of high value because a typical organizational hierarchy is present with a centralized power system. Power lies with the head of the family who is the senior-most member of the family, mainly a male member (father), and everyone is tied by strong relationship to each other (Ansari and Bell 1991).

Sometimes, family members do not behave in responsible way, which can alter the nation's luck. In such situations, this joint family system creates problem for the whole of society (Razzaq 2010: 3). In this research, some conflicts at the household level are highlighted; these increase unrest and dissatisfaction among the family members and among their relations and create problems when they demand their rights.

Some loopholes of property rights related to land distribution and land transfer rights, such as verbal gifts7 and cases of irregular sale8 (Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) policy view points 2007: 4), also support the evolution of such conflicts. A landowner makes a gift of his land to someone; this may occur via a verbal declaration, which causes some conflicts at the time of possession or an execution of the Act Section 122 according to the property right act 1882. Similarly, the constitution permits a person to transfer his rights to a person, in some particular cases as the power of attorney. A person can appoint more than 7 According to the Section 122 of the Transfer of Property Act, 1882, Gifts are defined as “the transfer of certain moveable or immovable properties made voluntarily and without consideration and accepted by or on behalf of the donee”. To make gifts of immovable property, section 123 Transfer of Property Act, 1882 stipulates that “the transfer must be affected by a registered instrument signed by or on behalf of the donor, and attested by at least two witnesses.” In other words, in order for gifts to convey an interest in the immovable property, the Transfer of Property Act, 1882 requires such gifts to be made in writing.



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